The WSM and Anarchism: A Political Analysis

Cover of the first issue of “Workers Solidarity”

The Workers Solidarity Movement is one of the more impressive anarchist organisations of modern times. While always a small organisation it has been active on the radical left in Ireland for close to thirty years and at the same time it has exerted considerable influence on Anarchism internationally, particularly in the early years of the Internet.

The organisation has gone through a number of different periods and has seen its fortunes rise and fall repeatedly in that time. Not that the ride has been a roller-coaster of ups and downs; the highs were, in the grand scheme of things, modest enough, the lows correspondingly tolerable. The WSM, in other words, is no Workers’ Party.1

Founded in 1984, the WSM was oriented towards socialism at a time when radical liberalism was particularly influential in British Anarchism, which was as culturally influential then as tendencies from the United States are today. Given the historical weakness of Irish socialism, let alone anarchism, the few precursors of which came out of the Official Republican Movement, this explicitly left ideological foundation served to ground the WSM throughout its history. The avowedly socialist orientation served to inoculate for a long-time against too great a penetration of the more individualist strains that have bedevilled Anarchism since the 1880s.

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What is to be done: The Menshevik Programme July 1919

Eva Broido, secretary of the Menshevik Central Committee in 1917.

Below is an excerpt from the programme adapted by the leftists dominated Central Committee of the Mensheviks in July 1919. The introductory section is omitted. The document provided the basis for the alternative economic programme put to the Congress of Soviets in December 1919.

As Francis King, translator of that document, suggests, its interest lies in the fact that it represents a fairly well-defined alternative policy to that of “war communism” then being pursued by the Soviet government. Indeed, its approach in many respects foreshadows the “New Economic Policy”; the changes in economic policy introduced by the Soviet government in the spring of 1921.

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“Did you try turning it off and then on again?”

Diagnosing where things have gone wrong and what we can do about it

London United Volvo B7TL East Lancs Myllennium Vyking VLE11 engine trouble

London United Volvo B7TL East Lancs Myllennium Vyking VLE11 engine trouble

As we survey the current state of affairs, it’s hard not to get somewhat demoralised.

Despite a massive market failure, a brief flurry of rhetoric about the demise of neo-liberalism, the occupy movement and at least some outward dismay at a system where the financiers are entirely untouchable, we’ve taken nearly as many steps backwards as forwards.

There has not been a growth of a powerful oppositional movement. Occupy has dwindled. The unions are still in decline. The parties in 2012 are still largely the same sorts of parties as existed before 2007. Perhaps some of the luster has come off of capitalism as a world economic system, but it is no less pervasive than it was before (in fact it has expanded), and certainly it hasn’t any apparently viable challengers which can be seen with the naked eye.
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Planning and its complexities

Informational Monument to the Five Year Plan

Informational Monument to the Five Year Plan

The system of planning in the Soviet Union was unique in both its scope and complexity  and it would be no exaggeration to call it a grand experiment, one which has given us an entirely unusual data point in the space of economic systems.

It was a system which was born in great part by a blind stumbling as much as conscious direction. It lurched forward in starts and fits and not as the unfolding of a single process.

The Bolsheviks came late to the realisation of the difficulty of changing the fundamental economics of a society. It was driven by a number of different confluent factors each causing confusion amongst the theorists of the party as to which way to proceed.
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Crime and migration: towards a leftist response

In recent years, and particularly in reaction to the latest wave of austerity measures, we have seen an upswing in the size and importance of parties that are to the left of social democracy, a development that is greeted with joy within the radical left.

More concerning on the other hand is the recent growth in popularity of the far-right, With the success of parties like the Greek golden dawn or the French front national as some of the more recent examples.

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Corporate personhood

Bond of the Dutch East India Company

Bond of the Dutch East India Company 1622

One common complaint in anticapitalist circles is that the system of rights which once was designed to apply to human beings has been, through judicial interpretation, extended to so-called juridical persons–not persons at all, that is.

Thus, corporations are given the right to free speech, which somehow gets equated to the right to fund electoral campaigns, such as in the US after the infamous Citizens United supreme court decision, allowing for an unprecedented interference with the formation of public opinion.

Moreover, corporations veil their owners and agents from the consequences of their actions. The notion of limited liability, whereby a corporation’s owners aren’t accountable with their own money and goods for the corporation’s misdeeds, practically creates incentives for abuse and is, doubtless, one of the most extraordinary–and yet unacknowledged–subsidies in history. But is the hostility to corporate personhood and limited liability fully justified, or is there a way we can use them towards our own ends, and, perhaps, limit the damage?

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Changing the mode of production

Russian Peasant by F. Malyavin

Russian Peasant by F. Malyavin

The idea of a mode of production has its genesis amongst the political-economy theorists of the 19th century, a subject which was attracting so much interest was capitalism.  Capitalism – quite a new system – represented a sharp change from the prior mode which was based on direct taxation of subsistence agriculture.

Indeed much of the interest paid to capitalism in the 19th century was driven directly by the tumult and disorganisation that it wrought on the population in moving them from a society based on agrarian production.
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Adam Kotsko’s Why we love sociopaths – I wish I could love it but I really can’t

Book coverThis was a book that meets my interests almost perfectly – I’m fascinated both by the study of empathy and cultural representations of sociopathy. And I love watching TV. But Adam Kotsko‘s approach to the subject fits evidence to argument and asserts where it should inquire.

To science or not to science?

Kotsko begins by indicating that he is interested in cultural representations of sociopathy, not sociopathy itself, but comments that “the usefulness of sociopathy as a diagnostic category is in any case disputed [pp2]”. Despite this half-hearted resolution, he often makes strong pronouncements about human nature and empathy in the course of his argument. He opposes the idea of biologically-rooted sociality, saying that:

Rather than coming down from heaven or being grounded in some kind of natural law (such as the biological or evolutionary imperatives that supposedly ground the family structure), our social orders are long-term strategies for dealing with each other, tools that are useful in a given time and place with no guarantee that they will last. [pp14-15]

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Race and Class

African American and Hispanic American workers on strike against Kellwood, wearing placards that encourage support for better wages

African American and Hispanic American workers on strike against Kellwood, wearing placards that encourage support for better wages

The staunchest and most consistent opponents of systemic racism are situated on the left, and a great many of them have been explicitly socialists. Socialists were some of the first to seriously champion the causes of anti-racism as it fits naturally into the scope of an egalitarian world view.

Yet it is not only socialism which can adopt anti-racism. Liberal democratic societies do not need to have laws relegating one ethnic group or people of certain skin colours to a different legal structure. Democracies are quite capable of conceding full legal equality as was finally realised by African Americans in the civil rights movement.

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European Minimum Programme

Good times, good times

Ever since the German Social Democrats’ rather embarrassed shelving of the Erfurt Programme, the venerable socialist tradition of a basic set of policies that would facilitate social transformation has gone out of fashion. Trotsky was at pains to distinguish his economistic  Transitional Programme from the orthodox Marxists’ conception and in this he succeeded, albeit at the cost of downgrading the programme’s function as an agent of enlightenment.

Many modern far left parties, follow Trotsky in advocating policies they consider to be impossible to realise under capitalism and so their supporters, upon realising this, will become radicalised. In practice, these demands amount to a series of radical Keynesist proposals that languish curiously between the reality of capitalism and the possibility of socialism.

It is, moreover,  the exact opposite of the mass party approach, which aims to enable a social transformation by winning a majority to a programme that explicitly points towards a socialist society itself. The reasoning behind this approach is that socialism depends on the conscious support of the majority and that requires that people understand the implications of the programme itself.

With this in mind, we offer for consideration a condensed programme for Europe – an EMP – that we think is the minimum necessary to effect a transition from capitalism to a democratic socialist world.

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Left victimhood and the language of weakness

Crying Spider by Odilon Redon

Crying Spider by Odilon Redon

The working class is exploited and oppressed. This is the central premise for any genuine socialist consciousness. It’s possible to argue whether young Marx‘s notions of alienation, and similar ideas before his complete break with German idealist philosophy and Feuerbach in particular are developed, ignored, or contradicted by his later scientific economic work, but it is difficult to argue that Marx ever became indifferent to human suffering.

So if that’s the starting point, what’s wrong with deploying the language of victimhood? Aren’t we, and those unfortunate people living in more intensive and extensive extraction regimes, true victims of the bourgeoisie’s penchant to subordinate every principle, every scruple, to the realisation of surplus value–to the maximisation of profit?

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The proletarian class party, part 4

Vorwärts

The organ of the SPD from 1891 to 1933.

After a short break from dealing with the subject (during which I wrote a post on identity politics) I have gotten around to writing part four on my series on the issue of the proletarian class party. Here are parts one, two, and three. In my opinion, however, this post has been the hardest to write, and I fear many of the most crucial points I have made are unclear and will be interpreted as monstrous and be taken to mean something completely different. Nevertheless, it is also among the most important. You beloved readers will be pleased to hear that the ordeal of having to see my posts on the class party is nearly over, as after this post there will only be one more. After that I may go back and edit the other posts some more to make them flow better.

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The nature of the economic transition

This is the third article in my series on having an economic transition prior to a political seizure of power, which stands in contrast to the dominant view in the radical left that emphasises the seizure of political power from which an economic transition is forced through. In this article I will attempt to argue the more constructive element of my argument in contrast to the more critical parts that came before this. But it needs to be said that my capacity to make this argument is limited as it requires extensive knowledge of history and economics, knowledge that I do not see myself as having yet in its entirety. Nevertheless I will try to construct at least a basic and fairly solid argument.

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You don’t matter and other adventures in socialism

elephant says your argument is completely irrelephant

Sometimes when a lefty argument has been going for too long without any real progress or indeed any sort of relevance, I get a bit tetchy, leading to an outburst of ‘We don’t matter, this doesn’t matter!’. I think this is true. Lefties (as in members of leftwing parties or similar) generally do not matter. Continue reading

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