Israel: the State that Cries Wolf

Israel’s Propaganda Campaign Against Ireland

On Sunday 15th December Israel announced that in response to the Irish government’s criticism of its conduct in waging war on the Palestinians it would close its embassy in Dublin. Following this, social media has seen wave after wave of anti-Irish sentiments from sources as varied Israeli journalists and British Jews – what business is it of theirs, anyway? – from high ranking ambassadors and lowly internet trolls. All choose to lazily repeat baseless allegations of anti-semitism in a bid to ward off distaste of most Irish people for the very real dispossession and slaughter of Palestinians.

There should be no doubt that the social media onslaught directed against Ireland is an instigated, deliberate campaign orchestrated by the Israeli state. They organise thousands of activists, journalists, and straight up military personnel to monitor and respond to any criticism, many of whom are paid while others receive copious benefits in the entirely unrelated sinecures of NGOs, etc. Only the particularly dim amongst them supply their labour in service of genocide for free.

This propaganda effort takes the usual turn when addressing criticism of Israel from Europeans: it’s anti-semitic. Further, they allege that there is an inherent anti-semitic strain that runs through Irish life. Not that there is any consistency in their accounts. For some it emanates from Christianity, for others from Irish nationalism.

The details do not matter for them because there just isn’t very much to complain about. There aren’t – and weren’t – any legal discriminations; indeed de Valera was at pains that space was carved out for Jews in the early years of independent Ireland. Nor are there is the slightest reason to think that Jews are in some way subject of informal discrimination. They certainly do not suffer from levels of poverty, homelessness, and violence that would cause concern.

No, what is occurring with the Israeli propaganda campaign is simply the weaponisation of anti-semitism, that is using people’s dislike of anti-semitism as a means to suffocate criticism of Israel. No significant Irish organisation, or even individual, even thinks negatively about Jews qua Jews, let alone instigates a social policy that would discriminate against them.

The extremely thin allegations should therefore not be treated seriously. In fact they should be treated with contempt and dismissed out of hand. If anything, the now daily wave of propaganda smearing Ireland in service of Israel should be seen as a deliberate anti-Irish strategy. The Irish government, for all its flaws, is not overseeing the colonisation and murder of tens of thousands of natives. The Israeli propaganda wave and the disappointing connivance of some Irish and British Jews in it, displays an inability to understand that the mass murder of Palestinians may, in fact, be more concerning than measured criticisms from Ireland and bespeaks to a loss of moral reasoning that foreshadows more – many more – crimes to come.

The assertion that Israel represents a safe haven for Jews and that a specifically Jewish state is required to protect Jews disregards the fact that Israel cannot survive with being propped up by the west. It does not constitute a self-reliant nation. It must always, therefore, attempt to assert domination over western countries vis–á-vis their Middle Eastern policy, hence the Zionist lobbies active in the west, not least in the overthrow of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the British Labour Party. If active support from the west ceases, so too will Israel. This is the fundamental reason for the vehemence with which Israel is attacking the Irish people; Ireland’s policy leads inexorably to the delegitimisation of Israel’s colonial project and thence the cessation of western subsidies without which it cannot survive.

But nevertheless Israel is a powerful state. True, its power depends largely on retaining the services of the United States but it possesses a substantial influence in the heart of the Empire, far greater than the fading Irish-American (or Italian-American etc) lobbies, that enables it to fight with advanced weaponry against poorly armed militas. It also benefits from billions in subsidies and technology transfers from the west.

With some delight, their partisans, including pro-Israeli Irish writers such as David Quinn and John McGuirk, point to the vulnerability of the Irish economy if American multi-nationals wind down their presence in response to their pressure, as if they are determined to confirm the very idea they invent others of asserting. This shows the profound stupidity of placing the Irish economy in such a place of dependence on American capitalism – Israel is a vastly more powerful country than Ireland given its relationship with America.

If Ireland wants to stand with the Palestinians in the longer term, indeed with all those who oppose colonialism, it will have to rethink its economic dependence on the United States for that does not come without conditions. The Irish government, so willing to toe the liberal capitalist line on a host of issues, such as siding with Ukraine, is learning just exactly what is permitted. If Ireland wishes to exist as an independent country we need to rethink not only our approach to American foreign and cultural policy positions, but begin the process of putting the economy on an alternative economic footing. In the meantime, the pro-Israeli hysterics spouting anti-Irish nonsense on social media should be treated with derision.

Written 18th December, 2024.

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The recent increase in tension in Eastern Europe and the potential for catastrophic conflict.

The purpose of NATO is to keep the US in, the Russians out, and the Germans down.

The ongoing and escalating tension regarding NATO’s expansion has the potential to ignite a destructive conflict which even if it avoids escalation into nuclear catastrophe would nevertheless cause untold suffering on the continent.

In recent weeks, the situation regarding the pressure on Russia, primarily by the incessant expansion of NATO military forces into Ukraine has threatened to come to a head. The particulars of what, if any, events would trigger a military conflict cannot be predicted, though provocative actions by Ukrainian Nazi elements against the breakaway republics in the east that forces some sort of Russian intervention seems most likely at this juncture.

The bigger picture, beyond any ‘Franz Ferdinand’ moment, is that Russia has concluded that the ever-increasing presence of NATO military forces in Eastern Europe — and now specifically Ukraine — constitutes a de facto accession by Kiev to the US led military alliance.

Given the realities of geography, this poses an existential threat to Russia and, due to NATO’s expansion since 1991 up to and including the former Soviet Baltic republics, it appears that they do not trust the blandishments from Washington that there is no cause for concern.

Given, too, the record of the United States in the last thirty years, there is reason to be skeptical of US sweet talk. In that period it has assaulted Yugoslavia, unflinchingly backed Israeli intransigence; broke new records for sheer dishonesty which paved the way to invading and destroying Iraq; continually misrepresented the vast majority of the Syrian rebels as anything other than extreme Islamic jihadis; engaged in nonstop regular and often successful attempts at funding (to the tune of billions of dollars) and organising colour revolutions against governments that attempt to preserve some degree of sovereignty, to wit Venezuela, Belarus, Ukraine, Hong Kong, and Nicaragua. 

In the 1990s it also managed to savagely loot Russia of vast amounts of wealth. The renewed hostility to Russia since the advent of Vladimir Putin’s presidency can be traced to the reconstitution of Russia as an actual — as opposed to notionally — sovereign state. This massively reduced the extraction of wealth by western capitalists, much to their chagrin ever since.

Of course, the renewed Russia was and remains a far cry from the USSR of old. Geographically and demographically it is much reduced. It retains, albeit in a much more tamed fashion, some of the oligarchic economic structure that mushroomed in the 1990s. It lacks, therefore, the ideological orientation of the USSR and pushes a much more modest agenda internationally, as well as domestically.

Be that as it may, the mere fact that Russia is insisting on maintaining its de facto independence from the US Empire, itself the spearhead of a global capitalism that relegates all collective identities of class and nation to the scrap heap of history, constitutes an ideological opposition, limited though it is in comparison to the USSR.

Socialism requires state action to push forward. States which surrender their sovereignty to the American imperium or even just exist in a relationship of dependency to multinational corporations are not and cannot be vehicles for socialism.

As such the existence of states such as Cuba, Venezuela, Syria, and Russia, despite their significant differences, and in some cases regrettable abandonment of socialism, remain essential bearers of the possibility of constructing a future that is not suffocated by the US led capitalist order.

This perspective does not entail any illusions about Russia or its government. They have made clear that they do not wish to resurrect the USSR and in fact they have consistently impeded the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which continues to have a mass following within Russia itself. The question at hand, however, is not the domestic politics of Russia but the necessity to avoid a bloody conflict in such a way that does not involve Russia’s submission to the US Empire. In this regard the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are no less patriotic and it takes little effort to recall that it was the Red Army that defended not only the October Revolution but also the very existence of the Russian and other nations within the Soviet Union. 

The specifics of the present crisis regarding Ukraine, NATO, and Russia’s concerns regarding its security emanate from the aggressive action of the United States. It is true that neither power is a socialist state but this does not mean that both are equally culpable. The sustained long-term aggression of the United States and the presence of its troops and weaponry thousands of miles from its borders are concrete evidence that it is at root the party primarily responsible for the confrontation. 

Russia may no longer be socialist and its present defensive orientation internationally may be a result of weakness of position rather than any definitive commitment to abstract moral ideals, but nevertheless it is the USA that has been rampaging around the world for decades now; it is the USA that is expanding its military reach to the border of Russia and not vice versa; it is the US that funds and arms Neo-Nazi and Jihadi militias. One does not have to view the Russians as innocent choir boys to be able to discern the reality of US imperialism and how it renders the foreign policy of Russia as mild and sensible by way of comparison. 

Apart from using actual Nazi gangs and their liberal NGO pets to stage a putsch in 2014, the US has made it clear that it will not permit Ukraine to exist in a sort of Austrian neutrality vis-á-vis the Russian Federation. The US is no longer first amongst equals, such as it carried itself in post-1945 Europe. It is an Empire and expects its dictates to be followed. The major European states, Germany and France in particular, may grumble but their views do not count for much in Washington. 

The dominant faction of the ruling class of both countries are satisfied with US domination. Even the independent conservative nationalist orientation of a de Gaulle is by now quite foreign to the vast majority of western politicians. Integration in and submission to the US is the order of the day and the occasional pathetic bleatings of the European Union serve only to confirm its willingness to sacrifice its own self-interests on the altar of US hegemony.

In time, the dire cost may awaken the notoriously short-sighted German bourgeoisie to their precarious position, but for now, suspending gas supplies from St Petersburg while goose-stepping to Kiev is the order of the day.

US aggressiveness is not, of course, a deviation from the logic of the capitalist system, but rather, in our particular era, a manifestation of it. 

The longer-term concern is to prevent the accession of China such that it can displace the western, specifically US, ruling class as the masters of the world. This requires bringing Russia into the fold which, as the recently resigned German Admiral admitted, could be done by granting Russia a measure of respect. 

Indeed, once again, the Russian Federation is not the USSR, and has no inherent ideological reservations about partnering with the USA and NATO. Its error is that it wishes to do so on the basis of equality whereas the United States expects submission. For a long time the Russians have attempted to forge a relationship with the United States, but now, with the advent of the complete incorporation of Ukraine into the US military sphere it calculates that it will not be able to remain sovereign into the medium term if its security is so directly weakened.

For its part, the USA benefits on a number of fronts from pressuring Russia, apart from the usual side benefits of profits for arms manufactures and the like. Firstly, it keeps the European states wrongfooted. Despite the anti-Russian hysteria of the last 15 years and rising tide of anti-China sentiments, the pre-eminent foreign policy objective of the US is to prevent the emergence of a unified, independent European state. Such a state would have the demographic and technical resources to immediately challenge the US. The primary function of NATO is to ensure this does not happen but nevertheless a sense of crisis is periodically needed to ensure the European bourgeoisie do not forget their subservient status.

Secondly, while the US could quite possibly gain geo-strategically from treating Russia with respect, the Russians may not be so keen to kick sand in China’s eyes, just to benefit a United States of America that is safely tucked away behind two oceans. On the other hand, a completely neutered — like Ukraine — Russia would be a compliant creature and given the geographical realities would gravely weaken China’s strategic position. Therefore, the core goal of the constant pressure on Russia is not to contain it but to eventually effect regime change in Moscow itself.

Thirdly, there remains a lot of plunder to be had in Russia. The Russians had the cheek to put a stop to the plunder of the 1990s and therefore need to be taught a lesson that their role is to service not only the Pentagon but its vampire sibling in Wall Street. Given the rather ropey health of present day capitalism a round of primitive accumulation at the Russians’ expense would serve to kick the can down the road a little longer.

The present crisis has echoes of the pre-1914 era; a long period of peace is undermined by constant manifestations of crises, each one rendering the possibility of war a bit more likely. The Anglo-American hegemonic powers are wary of rising industrial rivals; Germany then, China now and tempted to strike before they can attain the full measure of their strength.

However, many fundamental differences have emerged since 1914, not least the possibility of a terminal nuclear conflict which serves to reduce — but not eliminate — the possibility of escalation to a generalised world war. The other major departure is the accomplished industrialisation of Russia and China and the concomitant settling of the peasant question through a process of urbanisation and proletarianisation. Both historic states were extremely vulnerable to revolution in the 1914 period because their state form — remnants of a pre-capitalist mode of production — had been brought into contradiction with realities of industrial capitalism and the social relations it engendered. This is not the case today.

That vulnerability was less in the more advanced capitalist states of central and western Europe but there certainly was a threat to bourgeois domination due to the sheer scale of the labour movement and its effective merger with socialism. Irrespective of how it played out, this socialist-labour movement was perceived as a threat to the social order and all the great powers had to factor it in when manoeuvring against their rivals, lest they be overthrown by socialists in the aftermath of a failed geo-political conflict, as indeed they were in Germany, Austria, and Russia.

This is also not the case today. The socialist-labour movement has been supplanted by a nebulous and effectively pro-imperialist left, which by its nature, i.e. the basic absence of really mass organisations with an objective interest in an alternative economic system, does not constitute an alternative social-order in waiting. As such the western ruling class do not fear their own overthrow if they receive a bloody nose in Ukraine. On the other hand, there is no appetite amongst any European country to fight a war in eastern Ukraine in order to further US hegemony and it is doubtful that they would, in any case, be able to muster any force capable of fighting Russia. It will be up to the Ukrainians to die for western capitalism.

The reassertion of state power vis-á-vis capital, even by a non-working class government would be in itself an improvement in the objective conditions for socialists. The specific step required is for the United States to suffer a major setback such that it can no longer operate as the gendarme for the western bourgeoisie. While the USA seems to be working towards internal collapse, a significant military setback would serve to accelerate the reduction of their domination abroad and create space for the reassertion of state power more broadly.

NATO has made noises about Ukraine’s right to join it, should it so decide. But the decision has to be mutual: NATO could simply decline to consider Ukraine for membership and the present situation would be eased considerably. Of course, they know that but they want to maintain a state of tension with Russia in order to keep the European nations subservient, increase the possibility of selling LNG, and, ultimately to effect regime change in Moscow.

Despite our weakness, socialists must continue to agitate for peace, even when the logic of capitalism is pointing to the creation of large scale conflict. In Ireland, of course, this entails the banning of the US military from utilising Shannon and other travel facilities and the ceasing of any intelligence sharing. 

While the immediate problem stems from Washington and its delusions of eternal hegemony, the deeper causes lie within the internal dynamic of the capitalist system itself. As profitability is squeezed and with a rising economic power house in the Far East the conditions of geo-political competition have re-emerged. As long as the impetus for attaining ever increasing profits remains, international competition will likewise remain. This can only be overcome by a planned economic system that serves humanity as a whole, which itself depends on working class control of states with real power as opposed to states which exist at the sufferance of financial capital. It is in this narrow assertion of state sovereignty that Russia, despite its fall from the USSR, can yet serve as an agent of social progress.

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The Party and the Ballot Box

The role of elections in socialist strategy

The Legacy of the Republican Congress

In 1934, in the shadow of a rising fascist threat in Europe, the Republican Congress was convened. This congress brought together the main elements of socialists, communists and progressives, largely drawn from the republican movement. In the few years of its existence, the Republican Congress was surprisingly successful in organising political rallies, pickets, and trade union support, especially given the condition of Ireland as a young post-colonial and underdeveloped state in which it arose. 

Ireland was highly socially conservative, had a relatively small working class, the socialist movement was young and the workers’ movement had yet to achieve the kind of mass successes it had won in mainland Europe and in the UK. It would be fair to say that the terrain of struggle was difficult.

The Congress constituted itself as a federation of groups which attempted to work together towards a common cause. However, a motion was put forward that it should constitute itself instead as a political party. This motion was voted down fairly narrowly in favour of remaining as a broad front united against reactionary forces and the rise of fascism. Within a few years, the Congress itself dispersed, breaking up into constituent groups with many participants simply drifting away.  Continue reading

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On The Decline and Fall of The American Empire and Socialism

The Balance of forces domestically: contradictions among the people and intra-elite competition.

“…the ultimate aim of this most bourgeois of all nations would appear to be the possession, alongside the bourgeoisie, of a bourgeois aristocracy and a bourgeois proletariat. In the case of a nation which exploits the entire world this is, of course, justified to some extent.” Engels to Marx in an October 1858 letter, on the English proletariat. (1)

Socialists in the United States have their work cut out for them. Though conditions for socialist construction materially exist as a highly developed means of production and a large wage earning class the balance of class forces is decisively poised against any real or actually existing powers of conscious proletarian revolution. This is largely due to the colonial, settler and imperialist history of the country and its status as the world’s chief oppressor nation and global linchpin of world imperialism since the end of WWII. It is only natural for a country that has been the center of world imperialism for almost an entire century for bourgeois polity to be firmly entrenched domestically. Continue reading

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What is Dogmatism and Why Does It Matter?

Introduction

There has been a revival of the working class movement across the world. But if we want to seize this moment, we need to re-embrace scientific analysis. We have to avoid the errors that led us to the weakened state that we find ourselves in.

The fall of the Soviet Union began a crisis for all socialists, even the anti-Leninists. Gone was the largest sources of funding for the worker’s and anti-colonial movements. Gone was the rationale for the existence of left-wing social democrats. The Social Democrats had served as the final bulwark against Communism. Gone was an organic workers’ movement for the Trotskyists to latch onto. The rotting corpses of the trade unions are all they had left. The Anarchists, who ascended during the anti-globalization movement, devoured themselves with lifestyle politics. There was no longer a social basis for the worker-centric politics of classical Anarchism. Class-struggle Anarchism defined itself through opposition to Revolutionary Marxism. It still does, if the anti-Bolshevik smear-jobs still put out by AK Press are anything to go by, . The anarchists were Pharisees denouncing the Priesthood of the communist movement.

The Official Communists were distraught. At least one leader of the CPUSA had a heart attack after learning about the fall of the USSR. They dedicated their lives to what they believed was the most advanced mode of life to ever exist. Allowing for modifications to national particularities. That system had shown itself to be a rotten sham. They had two choices, either deny their official Marxism-Leninism or deny reality. Those that chose the former had long discredited any Marxist alternative through polemic. All they had left was opposition to the far right without any positive beliefs of their own. Those that chose the latter retreated into their ideological bunkers. Their views reinforced by hack historians like Grover Furr.

The Maoists, for their part, kept guerilla struggles alive in many parts of the world. But outside isolated instances, they lacked connection with the workers movement. The Maoists instead based their struggle on rural peasants. While heroic, these struggles too have ended in failure. The Shining Path collapsed. The Naxalite’s have declined. And the Nepalese Maoists have capitulated to developmentalist capitalism. Success is establishing a proletarian dictatorship. Nowhere has the Protracted People’s War thesis demonstrated success outside of China. And that success was in the context of the second world war with the support of the Soviet Union.
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The Case of Comrade Dallas

By Sylvia Smith

The working class movement is divided into many different trends. Oftentimes these differences are contradictions that have big implications for how to organize and must be struggled out. Whether to support a left wing populist candidate (or even organize against them), how to relate to the trade unions, and other issues of strategy are questions that in the process of organizing can’t simply be brushed aside in the name of unprincipled “left unity”. Conversely, historical interpretation, political jargon, and other features that define “tendencies” on the Left are unimportant from the perspective of class struggle. Far too often, the latter are confused with the former. But, none of these tactical or strategic questions changes the fact of class struggle. Our goal is the destruction of the wage-system, not a particular strategy being the true means to do so. Anyone who is committed to the emancipation of humanity through the victory of the working class over the exploiting class, by overturning capitalist society, is a genuine revolutionary.

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Review: Do Religions Evolve?

York Cathedral ceiling. Lots of lovely arches.David Sloan Wilson describes himself as an atheist, but, he insists, he is a “nice atheist”. The proviso is made necessary by the often acrimonious nature of evolution’s forays into religious study. In contrast to writers such as Richard Dawkins who views religion as ‘a kind of mental illness’, Sloan Wilson thinks that the spiritual world has much to teach us about our grubby origins.

For most critics of religions, the operative concern is the truth or not of religious beliefs. For Sloan Wilson, however, that is not the point. The interesting questions centre on the roles that such belief systems play in human societies, and how they make human groups behave. In evolutionary terms, “even massively fictitious beliefs can be adaptive, as long as they motivate behaviors that are adaptive in the real world” [pp41].
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Fake News: The Epistemology of Media

Post-truth, or post-irony?

“What is truth?” said Pontius Pilate to Jesus. Or at least this is what we are told he said in the Gospel of John. Can we trust John to have related accurately the words of Pontius Pilate? Most scholars date the book of John as two generations after Pilate’s death. And yet, despite the dubious provenance of the quote, it is a very important question. Indeed it is the central question we concern ourselves with here.

On November 24, 2016 the Washington Post ran a story entitled: “Russian propaganda effort helped spread ‘fake news’ during election, experts say”. The article claimed that Russia had been involved in a concerted effort to sway the election in favour of Trump through a sophisticated propaganda war. But perhaps even more significant than the central claim, is that it launched the phrase “fake news” into the media discourse.
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Officials and Provisionals

Martin McGuinness, Political Strategy and the Civil Rights Movement

A Provisional Sinn Féin poster featuring Joe McCann and other Official IRA members (via Irish Political Ephemera)

The death of Martin McGuinness has inevitably prompted reflection on his career, with the reactions varying according to one’s political ideology. For the mainstream, McGuinness’s oeuvre is sharply divided into two halves, that of paramilitary godfather and political statesman, with the dichotomy arising from their view on the Provisional IRA’s (PIRA) long running campaign.

For Sinn Féin and a wider body of sympathisers, that division is an artificial construct; the two eras – military leader and peacemaker — are different forms of the same struggle. The change in strategy by no means entails an admission that the Provisionals’ military campaign was misconceived, only that it could no longer sustain progress towards their goal.

Interestingly, much of the online commentary sympathetic to Sinn Féin has revolved around how the Provisionals’ armed campaign was a fight for civil rights in Northern Ireland; the military campaign being an inevitable response to the brutality of British State and the loyalist mobs that the campaign’s progress elicited.

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Interview with Cathal Goulding

cathal_gouldingThis introduction and interview is from “On Our Knees: Ireland 1972” by Rosita Sweetman

Introduction

The Irish Republican Army officially came into being when Padraic Pearse read the Proclamation of Irish Independence from the steps of the General Post Office in Dublin on Easter morning, 1916. The IRA traces its roots right back through all the physical force resistance groups that at various times throughout 700 years of British domination of Ireland had risen up to try and get them out. Its recognised father figure is Theobald Wolfe Tone, of the United Irishmen, and his grave is the scene of an annual re-affirmation of Republicanism.

The IRA was the army of the people during the War of Independence (1919-1921). They secured military victory for the Irish people in that they forced the British to the conference table, but were sold down the Swanee by political leaders who divided on the Treaty offered by Britain. The compromise reached was that Republicans would have a 26 Country “Free State” to run as they wished in theory (in practice of course it was to be run as the British wished as they still held the purse strings), and the 6 remaining counties were to be jointly controlled by the Unionists in Stormont, and Westminster. In the absence of the British enemy the Irish turned on each other and the resulting Civil War saw the IRA defeated, the Free Staters in control and building bourgeois Ireland under President Cosgrave. Thousands of IRA men were imprisoned and interned and Ireland settled down temporarily to trying to become a nation of grocers and big farmers.
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Trump, Russia and the CIA

trump-and-putin_zpspfthamxrIn 2012, there was substantial outrage about Russia placing restriction on foreign financing of NGOs and unions which was spurred by the fact that there was significant funding by the United States. The Western media were almost uniformly appalled that such restrictions would be placed. I remember reflecting at the time on what the media angle might be were the roles reversed. What if Russia had tried to interfere in US politics by funding opposition forces? I surmised there would be immediate calls of treason and the response would be at least as intense as the one for which Russia was being condemned.

Well, it turns out I wasn’t wrong in this prediction. The current scenario demonstrates the asymmetry nicely. Russia is currently being accused of hacking the US to subvert the election. This claim is being made by both the power centre of the Democratic Party and by the CIA and is now being featured as a media headline in the Washington Post, the Guardian and other major media outlets.
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Why is my rent so high?

The Rent is Too Damn High!After a quick perusal of Daft.ie, it’s clear that the rental situation in Dublin is an absolute catastrophe. Rental prices have gone through the roof. Literally, garden sheds and one-car garages are now going for 900 Euro per month and more. Prices are up more than 30% from their lowest point, and they are now higher than they have ever been, even during the Celtic Tiger. To add insult to injury, you would be hard pressed to find a place to rent even if you could afford one, perhaps by packing in like sardines. The recent saville report says that vacancies are now below 1.5%.

Economists are fond of telling us that it’s all about supply and demand. And of course they are right, but if one is to believe the story of the invisible hand, efficient markets and all the rest, increases in price are supposed to create supply to meet the demand. So why is it that the rental market is so tight, new housing units are not being built, and we’re not only finding things unaffordable, but unavailable in the first place?
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Review of Capitalism: Competition, Conflict, Crises by Anwar Shaikh

Capitalism: Competition, Conflict, Crisis by Anwar ShaikhFor a long time, neo-classical economics has been the economic orthodoxy. Neo-classical economics is a patchwork of theories all with a general aim of demonstrating how production and distribution takes place under mediation of supply and demand.

The theory came to prominence in the late 1800s, displacing the previous classical economics, a research programme which was initiated by Adam Smith most famously in his great work, “The Wealth of Nations”. This programme was continued by David Ricardo in Principles of Political Economy and Taxation among other works, and later by none other than Karl Marx in his seminal work Das Kapital.

Marx made deeply important contributions to classical economic research. In fact his contributions were so important that they poisoned the well of classical economic theory completely, leaving no room for more conservative theorists to wiggle out of the implications which are brought forward in Das Kapital. To put the central problematic in a nutshell, there was an unresolvable antagonism between wage labourers and capital over value. Yet despite the importance of his additions, Marx’s theories are firmly rooted in the tradition of classical political economy.
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Electoralism vs Abstentionism (Or: Why You Should Run For Office)

vote communistThis article is a response to an article posted on The North Star by Sophia Burns, a comrade and fellow member of the Communist Labor Party titled Don’t Run for Office. It can be found here: http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=12742

The tradition of movements commonly grouped under the umbrella “the left” is diverse. It includes movements rooted in ecology, labor struggles, women’s’ struggles, fights against racism and many other currents. Likewise, the tactics employed by these groups have varied across time and space.

One of these tactics, standing candidates for government offices is perhaps the most divisive. In the early years of the socialist movement, the Marxists, and others, argued decisively in favor of using the popular assemblies conceded by the ruling coalition of classes to further the cause of the workers’ movement against the anarchists. The electoral socialists would create the movement known historically as “social democracy” which is distinct from the modern ideology using that name. Many communists, including those in the Marxist tradition, have argued since these days that the failure of social democracy in the early 20th century to achieve revolution is proof that the tactic of standing candidates for democratic assemblies in capitalist society is either outdated or was never correct to begin with.

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